Current as of 28 July 2025
Resolution passed 31 August 2025
Recognizing that , since the horrific Hamas-led attack of 7 October 2023, which itself constitutes international crimes,* the government of Israel has engaged in systematic and widespread crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide, including indiscriminate and deliberate attacks against the civilians and civilian infrastructure, including hospitals, homes, and commercial buildings, of Gaza, which, according to official UN estimates at the date of this resolution, has killed more than 59,000 adults and children in Gaza.
Recognising that these crimes are estimated to have left many thousands of people buried under the rubble or otherwise inaccessible, and most probably dead.
Recognising that this bombing and other violence is estimated to have injured more than 143,000 people, with many maimed.
Recognising that the actions of the Israeli government against Palestinians have included torture, arbitrary detention, and sexual and reproductive violence, deliberate attacks on medical professionals, humanitarian aid workers and journalists, and the deliberate deprivation of food, water, medicine, and electricity essential to the survival of the population.
Recognising that Israel has forcibly displaced nearly all of the 2.3 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip multiple times, and demolished more than 90 percent of the housing infrastructure in the territory.
Recognising that the consequences of these crimes have included destroying entire families and multiple generations of Palestinians.
Recognising that Israel has destroyed schools, universities, libraries, museums, and archives, all of them essential to the continued existence of Palestinian collective well-being and identity.
Recognising that Israel has killed or injured more than 50,000 children and that this destruction of a substantial part of a group constitutes genocide, as emphasized in a joint declaration of intervention in the International Court of Justice case of The Gambia v. Myanmar by six countries, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, which states that children form a substantial part of the groups protected by the Genocide Convention, and that the targeting of children provides an indication of the intention to destroy a group as such, at least in part. Children are essential to the survival of any group as such, since the physical destruction of the group is assured where it is unable to regenerate itself.
Recognising that Israeli governmental leaders, war cabinet ministers, and senior army officers have made explicit statements of intent to destroy, characterizing Palestinians in Gaza as a whole as enemies and human animals, and stating the intention of inflicting maximum damage on Gaza, flattening Gaza, and turning Gaza into hell.
Recognising that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has endorsed the current US President's plan to forcibly expel all Palestinians from the Gaza Strip, with no right of return, in what Navi Pillay, head of the UN Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, has said amounts to ethnic cleansing.
Recognising that the deliberate destruction of agricultural fields, food warehouses, and bakeries, and other violence that prevents food production, in conjunction with denial and restriction of humanitarian aid, indicate the intentional infliction of unlivable conditions resulting in starvation of Palestinians in Gaza.
Acknowledging that, on 21 November 2024, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant of Israel, in the court's ongoing investigation opened on 3 March 2021 of crimes committed on Palestinian territory since 13 June 2014, charging them with crimes identified in the Rome Statute in the Gaza Strip from at least 8 October 2023, including the starvation of civilians, intentionally directing attacks against a civilian population, murder, and persecution.
Whereas Israel's actions in response to the October 7 attack and subsequent holding of hostages have not only been directed against the Hamas group responsible for these, but have also targeted the entire Gazan population.
Acknowledging that the International Court of Justice found in three provisional measures orders in the case of South Africa v. Israel, in January, March, and May 2024, that it is plausible that Israel is committing genocide in its attack in Gaza and ordered Israel to take all measures within its power to prevent and punish the direct and public incitement of genocide and to ensure the provision of humanitarian assistance to civilians in Gaza.
Acknowledging that leading global international law organizations and UN bodies, including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Forensic Architecture, DAWN, B’Tselem and Physicians for Human Rights, and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, have conducted extensive investigations and issued reports concluding that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza.
Acknowledging that a number of Israeli, Palestinian, Jewish, and other scholarly experts working in Holocaust and Genocide Studies and in International Law have concluded that Israeli governmental and military actions constitute genocide.
Acknowledging that international civil society has a responsibility to prevent genocide by encouraging and assisting states to fulfil their obligations under the Genocide Convention to prevent, suppress, and punish genocide.
Acknowledging that putative security measures against members of a group are often a pretext for mass killing and genocide as it has become in this case.
Therefore, the International Association of Genocide Scholars:
Declares that Israel’s policies and actions in Gaza meet the legal definition of genocide in Article II of the United Nations Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, 1948.
Declares that Israel’s policies and actions in Gaza constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity as defined in international humanitarian law and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
Calls upon the government of Israel to immediately cease all acts that constitute genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity against Palestinians in Gaza, including deliberate attacks against and killing of civilians, including children; starvation; deprivation of humanitarian aid, water, fuel, and other items essential to the survival of the population; sexual and reproductive violence; and forced displacement of the population.
Calls upon the government of Israel to comply with the Provisional Measures orders of the International Court of Justice.
Calls upon the state parties of the International Criminal Court to comply with their obligations, cooperate with the Court, and surrender any individual subject to an arrest warrant.
Calls upon all states to actively pursue policies to ensure respect for their obligations under international law, including under the Genocide Convention, the Arms Trade Treaty and international humanitarian law, with regards to Israel and Palestine.
Calls upon the government of Israel and all other United Nations members to support a process of repair and transitional justice that will afford democracy, freedom, dignity, and security for all people of Gaza.
I am exposing how the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS) has, perhaps unconsciously, reproduced patterns of Genocide Denial inside its own resolution.
The stricken text functions as a textbook example of "Stage 5: Assert Political Motivations," in which genocide deniers frame accusations as “politically motivated.” By foregrounding Hamas, a political party, the resolution implicitly suggests that Israel’s mass atrocities are a politically understandable reaction rather than intentional acts of genocide. This shifts attention away from Israel’s responsibility and recasts its violence as self-defense.
At the same time, the passage reflects "Stage 3: Blame the Victims," since it places collective responsibility on all Palestinians by associating them with Hamas. Just as no reasonable person would argue that all U.S. citizens should be treated as legitimate military targets because of the Republican Party, so too Palestinians, whether or not they support Hamas, cannot be branded as “terrorists” and punished with bombing campaigns, starvation, and forced displacement.
In addition, the IAGS introduction exemplifies "Stage 10: Rewrite History," by presenting Israel’s atrocities as though they began only in October 2023. This framing erases the long record of crimes that predate Hamas entirely, including the illegal military occupation that began in 1967 and the forced expulsions dating back to 1947. By starting the timeline with the Hamas-led attack, the resolution participates in the rewriting of history, reducing decades of systematic dispossession, state violence, and apartheid into a misleading narrative of sudden eruption. This omission sanitizes Israel’s role in creating and perpetuating the conditions of violence and disguises a continuity of policies that span generations. Rewriting history in this way is not a neutral oversight; it functions as a denialist tactic that minimizes the scale, duration, and deliberate nature of the genocide.
By embedding this framing in its very first sentence, IAGS undermines the moral force of its own resolution. It echoes Israel’s narrative that genocide is simply a byproduct of counterterrorism, rather than the deliberate destruction of a people. Thus, the strikethrough is not merely cosmetic; it reveals how even an organization dedicated to exposing genocide can, by uncritically adopting state narratives, slip into the very denialist patterns it seeks to combat.